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Chinese Agri-Lessons for Indian Policy Makers



Saurabh Bhatt

Global food security and food inflation are closely linked to economic development and agricultural production of the two Asian giants, China and India, as they comprise over 30 per cent of the world population. High GDP growth rates and rising income levels in these countries have increased the demand for high nutrition and calorie intake, putting further pressure on a sector which is critical to the livelihood of a vast majority of the citizens of these agrarian giants.

Compared to India, China's grain production is double that of India despite lesser arable land and similar area of irrigated land. China has a liberal agriculture import policy whereas India's agri-import policies are restrictive. India's fragmented land holding has led to low mechanisation. China faces different challenges. China's collective land-ownership system is a major constraint on farm borrowing, leading to poor economies of scale. China's ratio of investment in agriculture to agri-GDP is similar to India, however, since 2000, China has invested significantly in agri-parks and dairy towns, which are fully integrated models right from cultivation to processing (financed by the agri-banks). Both countries address food-security challenges using policies which are both congruent and different on multiple fronts.

WATER AVAILABILITY

China and India face periodic drought-like conditions or floods across regions. China's fresh-water storage capacity is about 1,000 cu. m per capita , five times that of India. China's depletion of ground water table is lower as compared to many parts of India (because of tube-well abuse). Compared to China, Indian agriculture would require more water by 2050, but its water footprint would deplete faster, especially in the Ganges and other major river basins.

India also continues to grapple with the river-linking project in terms of environmental impact issues. On the other hand, China is already implementing many large-scale water projects (Three Gorges Dam, north-south aqueducts using Yangtze's water). Indian policy makers approach to the fresh-water storage and sustainability issue has been mired with slow decision-making and legal opposition by environmentalists. However, India scores better on micro-irrigation with its Government subsidy schemes.

GRAIN RESERVE AND AGRI-STORAGE

India and China build significant grain reserves each year. India's grain reserve is around 50-60 million tonnes (20-22 per cent of annual production) whereas in China it is about 150-180 million tonnes (35 per cent of annual production). Due to this huge reserve, the food system is less dependent on flows from the global market and helps China contain food inflation in tough years. In terms of grain-storage infrastructure, China has the capacity to store up to 200 million tonnes of wheat and paddy, while India's capacity is 87 million tonnes.

In India, there is an erosion of value of approximately 7-8 per cent (about 18 million tonnes) of total food production worth about $6 billion annually, due to unscientific and insufficient storage and supply-chain inefficiencies. Given China's large trade surplus and foreign currency reserves, any grain imports would not have material impact on their fiscal position. India may face a sharp currency depreciation and ballooning balance of payments if it were to resort to large-scale grain imports. Hence, India needs to enhance storage capacity and increase buffer stock to at least five to six months.

PRODUCTIVITY AND POLICY MAKING

The stated objective of both countries' agricultural policy is to achieve self-sufficiency and food security. China has surged ahead on productivity through the use of high-yielding seed varieties, extensive use of fertilisers and pesticides (twice of India by per-hectare use). China has also focused significantly on cash crops, helped by stagnation of grain consumption and increasing consumption of fruits, vegetables, milk, milk products and meat. The Chinese Government has, since the 1970s, invested significantly into agricultural research and development (R&D), especially to create high-yield varieties of rice, wheat and maize.

After the first green revolution , India's agriculture R&D has been academic and localised instead of supporting productivity at national levels.. China accounts for over 70 per cent of world's fresh-water aquaculture production and its livestock production has grown over 8 per cent annually for the last decade.

During the 1990s, China encouraged import of large amounts of new genetic material for hog, beef, poultry and dairy industries from the US, Japan, Canada and New Zealand, which has improved the quality of the genetic stock in China's livestock.

While India and China have some congruency on policy front including a State-enforced minimum support price, there are notable differences in respect of wholesale agri-markets, agriculture subsidies and cooperative financing system for agriculture.

Land ownership is individual in India but collective in China. While the Chinese Government provides direct subsidies to its farmers, subsidies in India are indirect. Compared to India, China has well-developed commodity exchanges and futures markets and tighter rules for converting or selling crop land for non-agricultural use. Unlike India, China has a price ceiling to minimize the effects of food inflation.

WASTE MANAGEMENT

In India, less than 3 per cent of fruits and vegetables produced is processed while total processing in the agriculture sector is less than 8 per cent. By contrast, 40 per cent of food consumed in China is now processed (80 per cent in Western nations). Lack of economies of scale due to size restrictions on industry (under Small Scale Industries rules), supply-side constraints for agri-inputs because of rules governing large-scale corporate farming, and paucity of dry and cold storage infrastructure are the key shortcomings of the Indian food-processing industry.Since many sections of food processing were reserved for the small sector, there are hardly any large food-processing companies in India. On the other hand, over 70 of China's 500 largest companies are in the food-processing sector (in India this would be at most 15), and this industry is growing rapidly.

AGRI-TRADE

India's agri-trade with the rest of the world is limited with agri-exports of $25 billion (10 per cent of total exports) in financial year 2011 and agri-imports of $8 billion (less than 3 per cent of total imports). Restrictive agri-import policies in India partly fuelled by insecurity of domestic cultivators (political motivations) and some genuine and misguided concerns of disease import have led to inflationary pressure on key food articles.

Bulk of India's agri-exports are rice, oil meal, cotton and spices (commodities with limited value addition) and bulk of the imports are pulses, edible oils and sugar. China, on the other hand, has a liberal agricultural import policy and is among the world's largest importers of commodities, including edible-oil seeds and even cattle.

According to China's Custom statistics, agri-imports for 2010 were $65 billion and exports were over $30 billion, taking the agri-trade value to over three times that of India. China's agri-trade deficit has been growing but is balanced by exports of manufacturing and electronic goods. This has enabled it to maintain food inflation under 6 per cent as compared to the consistent 10-plus per cent for India.

CONCLUSION

India and China are similar in terms of issues and policy challenges in agriculture. Both countries, due to their strong economic growth, are also experiencing inflationary pressures on food.

However, India's total fertility rate of 2.6 (China's is 1.6) poses greater challenges as India's population will continue to grow faster and remain young longer, demanding high-nutrition food.
Like China, India needs to focus on livestock, poultry and aquaculture (all key sources of protein), focus on R&D in agriculture by increasing budgetary allocations, promote farm mechanization through producer cooperatives, focus on replenishing aquifers through scientific water-harvesting in villages, avoid pitfalls of excess use of fertilisers and pesticides liberalise agri-trade policies to manage food prices and focus on economies of scale and integration in food processing.

The writer is President and Managing Director (Corporate Finance and Development Banking), YES Bank.

The Hindu Businessline

China Seeks to Unlock Secrets of Herbs, Roots

(Reuters) - Chinese legends have long extolled the benefits of the Tian Shan Xue Lian, a rare white flower found in snowcapped mountains that is revered as a panacea, an elixir so powerful it can supposedly bring the dead back to life.

But in laboratories in Shanghai and Hong Kong, scientists are poring over this cusped, wrinkly flower the size of an avocado, from which they hope to develop a new drug to treat irregular heartbeat, or atrial fibrillation, a serious disease that raises the risk of stroke.

In the quest for better and newer drugs, scientists in China are re-examining traditional Chinese medicines TCM.L -- roots and herbs that have been used for thousands of years -- to find and reproduce the active ingredients so they may be made into drugs that can be easily manufactured and consumed.

But unlike many Chinese drugmakers who already sell TCMs in powders and capsules, scientists are going a step further by putting these experimental medicines through rigorous clinical tests so that they may find wider acceptance globally.

"This flower has been used for thousands of years in Xinjiang, Tibet and India to treat a range of illnesses...For the Chinese, it was used for 'disorderly heartbeat,'" said Li Guirong, a cardiology professor at the University of Hong Kong.

"I have worked eight years on this. Our aim is to return an irregular heart rhythm to normalcy...with a drug that has fewer side effects," he said.

As Beijing shifts its growth engine to cleaner hi-tech industries, committing $1.7 trillion over the next five years to nurture them, Chinese scientists are enjoying unprecedented government support and access to funding to design better drugs and diagnostic tools for chronic illnesses such as heart disease and cancer.

Backed by government funding, Li and colleagues at the Shanghai Institute of Materia Medica began studying eight years ago the Tian Shan Xue Lian, or Herba Saussureae Involucratae, which thrives 3,000 metres above sea level in the Tibetan highlands.

They extracted its key ingredient, acacetin, created its synthetic twin and found success in experiments on dogs with atrial fibrillation.

They are now refining the compound and hope to begin human trials in three years with China National Pharmaceutical Group Corp , parent of the country's largest Hong Kong-listed drug distributor Sinopharm Group Co Ltd (1099.HK).

"We received a patent for it (acacetin) and hope to make it into a drug together with Sinopharm. We hope to market it in China and internationally eventually," Li said.

While TCM has been used for thousands of years, it is far less understood and accepted outside of China. By subjecting TCM-derived compounds to clinical trials, experts hope to prove their efficacy and sell them into foreign markets.

FLUSH WITH CASH

Coinciding with China's push to upgrade its domestic drug sector, Western drugmakers are muscling into China to maintain margins amid a patent cliff and fall in earnings in Western markets.

In the last two months alone, Merck & Co Inc (MRK.N), Pfizer Inc (PFE.N) and Astrazeneca Plc (AZN.L), have announced ambitious research plans with Chinese companies to design new drugs for Chinese patients and also announced plans to expand their distribution grids.

The reason is simple: China's prescription drug market, set to be the world's second largest by 2020, is estimated to be worth more than $110 billion by 2015, from $50 billion in 2010, according to various industry researchers.

While much attention is paid to what Western drugmakers are doing in China, insiders say significant resources are quietly being directed to TCM research and the best TCM drugs will eventually figure among the world's prescription medicines.

In the last two years, the government has allotted 6.7 billion yuan to support biotechnology companies and the search for new drugs.

Apart from Sinopharm, which aims to compete globally with quality and well-accepted drugs, other notable TCM producers are Yunnan Baiyao Group Co Ltd (000538.SZ), which makes an anti-bleeding powder, Zhangzhou Pientzehuang Pharmaceutical Co Ltd (600436.SS) and Jiangsu Hengruli Medicine Co Ltd (600276.SS), all keen to put more resources into R&D over the next five years.

Beijing Tongrentang Co Ltd (600085.SS) will focus on developing products using rare raw materials that have strong medicinal qualities, while China Shineway Pharmaceutical Group Ltd (2877.HK) will give priority to state-protected and patented Chinese medicines.

This reverse approach -- working backwards with proven TCMs to find the active compound -- has been encouraged by China's best-known medical export, the anti-malaria drug artemisinin.

Artemisinin is derived from the sweet wormwood shrub, which has been used for thousands of years to treat malaria. A project by the Chinese army in the 1960s managed to isolate the active compound and it has since become the world's best line of defence against the disease.

"We will see a rebalancing away from what was an exclusive focus on Western chemical drugs to include more traditional Chinese medicines," said Jason Mann, pharmaceuticals and healthcare analyst with Barclays Capital in Hong Kong.

"The Chinese government is supporting TCM. It is a key heritage; something to be proud of. Five thousand years of history can't all be wrong. And it is just pragmatic. These are difficult, expensive diseases. Whatever approach you can take to keep patients healthy and out of hospital will be good."

(Editing by Charlie Zhu, Chris Lewis and Matt Driskill)


Understanding the Food Supply Chain


Agriculture policies of both India and China would have to cope with the dual challenges of feeding the poor and meeting the rapidly growing needs of the middle-class.

Both China and India, despite their high growth rates, have deprived and vulnerable populations that are susceptible to hunger. While the opening up of the economy to ensure growth is a well established tradition, there is less clarity on what should be the role of the State in providing food and ensuring a functional food supply chain.

Reforms that make agriculture more market-oriented require the replacement of state institutions by more market-based pricing rules. While these new rules might be helpful in reducing unnecessary costs on account of poor administrative action, it would be foolish and short-sighted to entirely dismantle state institutions in agriculture. The challenges of handling the logistics and technological upgradation of the agricultural supply chain are evident in China and India, though they have undertaken very different policies with regard to food procurement and distribution.

DELIVERY MECHANISMS

The Chinese state has devolved agricultural policy to the district level, with district mayors often sub-contracting provision of food to poorer sections to local government bodies. The move away from a central financial control to a local state-funded system of development was part of a national decision to move away ‘from maximising to minimising the state' devised in the late 1990s. This has resulted in state agencies losing their monopoly position in many areas of agricultural marketing and processing. They are now required to cooperate with enterprises outside the state sector, particularly with private sector players. The localisation of agricultural distribution has led to large variations in provision, with some districts having a far better track record than others.

In the case of India, public agricultural institutions dominate foodgrain procurement and delivery. The intervention by the Indian state in procurement through the minimum support price (MSP) is regarded as a costly and inefficient operation. A manifestation of the squandering of government funds is the manner in which the current procurement levels of 60 million tonnes (mt) of grains is being managed. Only three-fourths of this grain is held in storage with adequate cover, while the remaining 15 mt lie relatively exposed to the elements and to pests.

In India, there has been far more debate about the type of public distribution system (PDS) – especially over the shift from a more comprehensive universal PDS to the narrower version of the so-called Targeted PDS in the late 1990s. On the other hand, there has been a relative neglect of the mid-chain components of storage, as a result of which the logistics of foodgrain movement have remained virtually unchanged.

The Food Security Act, sought to be introduced by the current Government since 2009, has generated considerable debate, culminating in demands for a fundamental restructuring of the final stage of the agricultural supply chain, where food security should be a universal right. But this content also provides a valuable opportunity for revisiting the various capacity constraints in each section of the chain and the evaluation of the cost implications of changing these constraints.

STATE INTERVENTION

The size and effectiveness of delivery of foodgrains can be deduced from the nature and reliability of the food supply chain. The hasty dismantling of state institutions would not be conducive to bolstering the capacity of the supply chain to improve procurement and delivery. The success of bringing in the private sector is dependent of the operation of a set of government regulations that would operate throughout the chain to ensure minimum standards and technological dynamism.

In the case of China, a large part of procured grain stocks are being diverted towards the creation of a processed foods sector to enhance the production of meat and animal-based products. This will help to diversify the Chinese agricultural product sub-sector that can be subsequently procured through an expanded agricultural supply chain in the future.

In the case of India, the present-day agricultural reforms continue to focus exclusively on procurement and distribution of foodgrains within the framework of the existing agricultural food chain. There has been very limited analysis of how technology can help improve processed food or animal products that will increasingly become the major items of food consumption by the growing middle classes.

Furthermore, the importance of food standards and food safety is still relatively unexplored in the food procurement policy of both India and China and could prove a future threat to the food security of both countries.

RISING MIDDLE CLASS

The continued importance of feeding the poor and the new challenge of meeting the demands of a rapidly growing middle class will continue to be a concern for national agricultural policy in both countries. The difference is that India still has at least a third of its population in poverty and public institutions are already stretched in trying to ensure food reaches this vulnerable sector.

In China's case, the high levels of industrial growth in the reform period were able to reduce poverty levels by half. The use of the largesse of industrial growth to provide transfers for the poorer sections of rural China was a smaller task.

The challenge ahead for both countries is how they use the agricultural supply chain to deal with the already evident problems of uneven coverage in different districts in each nation, and how they move forward to ensure more and better quality food.

(The author is Lecturer in Development Studies and Fellow of Jesus College at the University of Cambridge.)


China: New Technology Brings Apple Harvest

(China Daily ) After a period of storage, Dandong's Hanfu apples have become a sought-after fruit on the market. It is sometimes even sold at a price 10 times higher than that of common apples. Fuyun Hanfu Apple Production Cooperative is located in the Helong Manchu ethnic township in Donggang. There, Yu Bo, chairman of the cooperative directs workers to load and transport Hanfu apples. Each apple weighs over 0.5 kg and a carton of them reach 5 kg. "They are golden apples. The wholesale price has raised to more than 200 yuan ($ 31.58) a carton here. In Shanghai's supermarkets, the price can reach as high as over 300 yuan a carton," says Yu Bo.

The cooperative has 151 members. Since the end of October, it has delivered 50,000 cartons of fine Hanfu apples to Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen and other big cities. Yu Bo said that the reason for the popularity of Hanfu apples among high-end consumers of large cities is their high quality which can be attributed to increasingly advanced technologies. Farmer Zhang Hongfeng from Kanxia village, Shizijie township, harvested 100,000 kg of Hanfu apples this year. They were sold for 8 yuan per kilo on average. The price of fine apples among them reached 12 yuan per kilo. "Two years ago my apples would only be sold at half of today's price or less." Zhang Hongfeng told us.

In the early days when he contracted the orchard, the quality of the apples stagnated at a low level because of outdated varieties and backward management. Later, new technologies such as fruit bagging and reflective membranes were adopted, and both the output and quality of the apples improved. In his orchard, pipelines for water-saving irrigation have just been implemented. "With them, we will no longer worry about dry seasons," said Zhang Hongfeng. He credited the continuous increase of output to the new technologies promoted by Donggang's fruit tree station. With the application of new technologies, the quality of Donggang's Hanfu apples has continuously improved and they have even won the first place at Liaoning (Shenyang) International Agriculture Exposition for two consecutive sessions, in 2009 and 2011.

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